President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's "raze-everything" drive to stay in power has eroded Philippine democratic institutions which are among Asia's oldest. And these weakened structures could crumble, if reforms don't scrub historical flaws and break shackles clamped on by greedy elites.

University of Wisconsin Madison's Paul Hutchcroft presents this conclusion in the analysis: "The Arroyo Imbroglio in the Philippines." He authored "Booty Capitalism." This 1998 book examined the politics of Philippine banking. And his new book will examine patronage structures and territorial politics here.

"No country in Asia has had more experience with democratic institutions than the Philippines," he notes. It "now has a longer stretch of life after Marcos than life under Marcos Exclude martial law tenure. No president has stayed longer in Malacanang than Ms. Arroyo.

Despite "this longevity, the Arroyo administration found political legitimacy to be elusive. High hopes for democracy, voiced in the mid-1980s, have given way to disillusionment with the country's low quality of governance."

Ms. Arroyo effectively wields the presidency's substantial powers to keep herself in office, Hutchcroft observes. "She exhibits no qualms about further undermining the country's already weak political institutions. As the Philippines suffers one political crisis after another, its longstanding democratic structures have become increasingly imperiled".

U.S.-colonial era policies impact today's governance.

Governor-General Howard Taft's "policy of attraction" wooed landlords away from insurgents. "The economic elite of the Spanish-colonial era was transformed into a political-economic elite that wields power today".

Representative institutions emerged before bureaucratic institutions could take root.

Patronage-hungry politicos overwhelmed fledgling state agencies. Citizen franchise expanded later. By then, it was too late.

"Dominance of the national oligarchy was so well-entrenched that challenges from below faced monumental odds," Hutchcroft writes. "Taft liked to evoke images of New England style deliberative democracy. But the end result (was) a Philippine version of Tammany Hall."

In this setting, political parties became shells. They are "convenient vehicles of patronage that can be set up, merged with others, split, reconstituted, regurgitated, resurrected, renamed, repackaged, recycled, refurbished, buffed up or flushed down the toilet anytime," political scientist Nathan Quimpo observed.

Where institutions are brittle, leadership styles impact political outcomes. Joseph Estrada was a populist self-aggrandizer. He "redistributed wealth in favor of his family and friends" - until outsted. Ms Arroyo is "the great compromiser, willing to accommodate anyone able to help her retain the presidency".

Several factors weighed in Ms Arroyo's scramble to prevail. The 2004 death of Fernando Poe, Jr., deprived the opposition of a rallying figure. She exploited the pork barrel.

Questions on Vice-President Noli de Castro capabilities persisted. People didn't see hope of change in intra-elite squabbles and refused to hit the streets. And the president did "a masterful job of cultivating the loyalty of key generals -- despite significant discontent in the lower ranks".

"Our political system has degenerated to such an extent that it's very difficult to live within the system with hands totally untainted," the President admitted in her 2005 "State of the Nation" address. She emphasizes systemic, not personal accountability That flak jacket is used from the Garci tape election scandals to graft charges linking family members.

Whether it will relieve strain on democracy hinges on effecting reforms, starting with key agencies, like the Commission on Elections.

"The Philippine ballot is probably one of the most archaic in the world," Hutchcroft says. The manual count leaves Comelec "with t he gargantuan task of counting almost a billion preferences." It is susceptible to fraud:

Given disillusionment and conflicting ideas, Hutchcroft thinks overall reforms won't fly.

The administration's "patent political opportunism," in 2007, to foist charter change for advantage, "turned much of the public against constitutional revision." Incremental reforms, targeted to spur meaningful social change, hold greater promise for success.

Start with modest electoral reforms, he argues. This could include: preprinted ballots, a consolidated ticket for election of presidents and vice-presidents. An option for straight-party voting could be provided.

To promote stronger parties, nationwide election of senators should be made regional. The present system "forces each candidate to cut his or her own deals with local power holders throughout the archipelago."

Hutchcroft suggests the Lower House's party-list system be overhauled. At present, no single party may have more than three seats. This undermines the goal of aggregating interests under one party. The Philippines could lift a page from Japan and South Korea.

They have single-member- district seats, plus elements of proportional- representation.

`"It is important to build a democracy that can overcome its historical shortcomings," the study stresses.

Filipinos must ensure their institutions "demonstrate responsiveness, not just to the privileged few, but to the citizenry as a whole." Tell that to Ms. Arroyo and cronies.

(E-mail: juan_mercado@boholchronicle.com)